ANP: Never say die!

May 10, 2013

By Benazir Shah
ZoneAsia-Pk

HE’S LOST 819 OF HIS PARTY COLLEAGUES TO TERRORISM, AND SURVIVED AN ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT IN 2008. WE RECENTLY SPOKE WITH ASFANDYAR WALI KHAN, CHIEF OF THE TALIBAN-THREATENED AWAMI NATIONAL PARTY, WHICH GOVERNED KHYBER-PAKHTUNKHWA PROVINCE UNTIL MARCH, ABOUT SATURDAY’S ELECTIONS AND MORE. EXCERPTS:

The ANP has been mercilessly attacked by the Taliban in the run-up to the elections. As a result your party has been unable to campaign freely. At any point, did you consider not participating in the May 11 polls?

In the last four years, our party has lost a total of 819 workers. Why are we being targeted? Simple: [the Pakistani Taliban] want to keep us out of the elections. For Pakistan these are not just any elections, the new Parliament will have to deal with 2014, when NATO and ISAF forces withdraw from the region. When 2014 comes around, they do not want liberal people to be in the government. These forces want a free hand to do whatever they want, but they will not keep us out. This is not just a war between ANP and the Taliban or Asfandyar Wali and [Taliban kingpin] Hakimullah Mehsud, this is a war between two mindsets. The liberal, progressive, and democratic are on one side. On the other end are those who ruled Afghanistan and later surfaced in Swat. If we back off now, we let them win. The more the elections are delayed, the more bloodshed there will be. It is not going to get any better.

How is your party campaigning?

We cannot run advertisements like the other parties. We just don’t have that kind of money. It is common knowledge how much these [cable news] channels charge for broadcasting ads. Our local workers move door to door. The day Haroon and Ghulam Ahmed Bilour were attacked in Peshawar [on April 16], we lost 17 workers. The very next day pamphlets were distributed in the city warning people not to hoist any flags of the ANP or display its posters and stickers. And the same evening in Peshawar, Nowshera, Charsadda, Swabi, and Mardan our party circulated thousands of stickers. The stickers had the party’s [electoral] symbol on it, which is the lantern, and a slogan, “Country or Coffin.”

Your partner parties the Muttahida Qaumi Movement and Pakistan Peoples Party have also been specifically targeted by the Taliban.

There is some misunderstanding. ANP has not gone into an electoral alliance with the MQM. PPP, MQM, and ANP have borne the brunt of terrorist attacks. We thought that if we got together to raise our voice against the bloodshed, the impact would be different. But let me clarify, again, that this is not an electoral alliance. It might not help the situation, but the three of us share an enemy. The people of Pakistan had been fooled for a very long time in believing that Karachi is the turf of the MQM and ANP. Now at least everyone knows the truth.

Is it accurate to say that the bloodshed in Karachi over the past five years is a result of turf wars among militias affiliated with the ANP, MQM, and PPP?

If I had a Pakhtun militant wing in Karachi, would I be targeted the way I am today? Please do not push us to the wall. That is my biggest fear. Do not push us to a situation where we decide to defend ourselves. The day we start defending ourselves, things are going to take a very ugly turn! If I had a militant wing in Karachi, I don’t think anyone would have had the guts to attack me.

‘The true referee of the electoral showdown is Hakimullah Mehsud.’

Will election results accurately reflect voters’ choice?

Let me make it very clear, ANP has been shoved into a wrestling ring with its hands tied. The opponents stand across from us and their hands are free. Until now, we were under the impression that the referee for these elections was the chief of the Election Commission of Pakistan, Fakhruddin G. Ebrahim. I have the utmost respect for him. But the true referee of the electoral showdown is Hakimullah Mehsud. Look at his statements, he’s “allowed” Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl), Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf to hold public rallies, and he’s not “permitted” ANP, MQM or PPP to do the same. Is this his decision to make? Mehsud has clearly defined his friends and his foes.

After the attack on Haroon Bilour, you wrote to the Election Commission demanding more security. What became of that?

Copies of the letter were also sent to the president, the caretaker prime minister, and to the chief justice. Nine days lapsed and nothing happened. There wasn’t a word from the ECP. On the 10th day, Ebrahim showed up on television claiming he never received any such letter. That is the last I heard of that. The Election Commission is telling us to make our own security arrangements. Use your own untrained security guards, they say. Now, if these untrained security guards are enough to guard me and my candidates, then they must be capable of also guarding the country? The government took my security away in a very awkward manner, at 9:30 p.m. one night, without even informing me. The security that had been provided to me consisted of one policeman and four guards. The Election Commission denies it ordered it, but then there is written evidence proving it requested all security be withdrawn.

Will you accept the election results without any hesitation?

No, that will depend. It will depend on the results and how things shape up. As far as electoral alliances are concerned, it is still too early to decide that. Let me repeat, since this is a war between two mindsets, I will not go for an alliance with a party which belongs to the other camp. Let’s not name anyone. However, I would like to add that of late there is a new phenomenon arising before the elections. A few days ago, two Jamaat-e-Islami workers were caught with 90,000 fake ballot papers. Now new reports are emerging-I am still trying to confirm them-that a Jamaat aspirant’s house was raided and another 30,000 to 35,000 bogus ballot papers have been recovered. If these things start developing then there will be a big question mark on the upcoming elections.

What should be the chief priority of the next elected government?

Terrorism needs to be addressed immediately. One has to take control of the field. Right now, the ownership of the field is being challenged. We can continue to fight among ourselves about what we may want to plant in the field, but first we must own it.


Lip Service to Goodwill

April 25, 2013

FOR PAKISTAN

Over the past few months an ongoing debate about opening the borders to our next door neighbor has engulfed drawing room discussions, economics and politics lectures, the industrialist, the Mazdoor (wage laborer), and of course the talk shows. Those in favor of this upgrade in India’s status have brought to notice a need for better ties. It is now more obvious than ever that on all fronts, economic, social, political and security; India has left Pakistan far behind. While India has been labeled the World’s largest and most multicultural democracy, proud liberals quote Mother India as the torch bearer, pride of the democratic legacy, a success story; Pakistan is equally known for the opposite reasons: Terrorism, conflict, unstable governance, and sectarian and religious strife.

Read more…


Pakistan: Neither unwilling nor unable in Tirah Valley

April 18, 2013

By Zoon Ahmad Khan
SPEARHEAD RESEARCH

Tirah is a belt of valleys providing a convenient passage into Afghanistan, with a population of 1.5 million. Fertile for what Afghanis do best: opium, poppy fields have flourished in the region and the government has been for years trying to curb the epidemic. But the Tirah Valley people are slippery under the quivering thumb of the establishment since colonial times. It was in 2003 that the Pakistan Army entered the valley, that too after 9/11 and escalating Talibanization of the northern region when it was believed that Osama bin Laden could be hiding in one of these self governing regions.

For a month now, since March 2013, Tirah Valley has been making headlines. As over 300 militants have been eliminated and more than 30 army personnel have achieved martyrdom in less than thirty days. Due to fierce resistance, the military operation has gained momentum. Like the Swat operation, where Taliban had allied themselves with the local government promising better law enforcement and good riddance from the sloppy civil courts, in Tirah the emergence of TTP has also been gradual. Owing to poor infrastructure and isolation of the region (a tribal area that avoids foreign interference), news of the hundreds killed while resisting TTPs advancement in to the region, never reached mainstream media sources.

Three militant outfits are operating in the region presently: Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, Lashkar-e-Islam (LI), and Ansar ul Islam (AI) . The AI and LI have been battling with each other in the region for more than seven years over sectarian differences. When the LI joined hands with the TTP, AI reached out to the Pakistan army to protect its position against its adversary. It is noteworthy that the AI, a militant organization, has previously been banned for protecting the area from foreign influence (i.e. the government). How this support for the AI is any different from that of the Taliban back in the 1980s is not clear. For Pakistan, at the moment, fighting the Taliban is more crucial. What demons this war gives birth to can be dealt with later perhaps.

The TTP has not taken over the valley overnight, nor without assistance. Since last June, one step at a time the Tirah tribes have been coming under their fold. Even today, as the army marches against the Taliban with bursting force, launching aerial assaults to drive the Taliban out, few know the gravity of the situation. Few realize the dire consequences of this belt coming under full control of anti-state outfits. Thousands of the valley’s inhabitants have migrated out of their homes towards Peshawar. What will become of them and their families knowing the situation of IDPs amidst a fragile economy is another burden we are temporarily ignoring for a false peace of mind.

With three vital entry points: into Peshawar, Orakzai and the Khyber Pass (the main passageway for NATO supplies) the valley is an important stronghold for the TTP. With no road access, the army was initially only relying on aerial assaults. So far with scanty news, all we get a few days later is a death count of militants versus soldiers. Nothing about civilian casualties. Turns out we have an alternative for the drone strikes that have caused much discord between us and the United States. But the problems with an operation where only Pakistani blood is being spilt are manifold.

These quandaries can take the shape of a thought process. Firstly, Tirah was not above the regular drone drill. Rather the area has been a frequent target. Yet the LI joined hands with the Taliban, killed hundreds of civilians while fighting the local AI, took over the entire region over the course of a year. All of this while drone strikes were happening with unhampered discretion. Should this not make us question the effectiveness of drone strikes? The AI , temporary partner of the Government of Pakistan in this operation, is not our friend either. It is these temporary alliances with local militant outfits, and keeping our enemies ‘closer’ that has strengthened them to begin with. Before the Taliban took over completely, Ansar-ul-Islam were adamant that they could handle the situation. But with stiff resistance from TTP backed LI. Eventually the Pakistan army was forced to step in and save the region. The main question that arises from such situations is: why should we trust the security of such volatile and strategically important regions with militias who are not completely supportive of the government?

Initially when the wave of conflict erupted last month, media and ISPR reported that two militant groups were at war with each other and the death toll from both sides was being reported as “militant death toll”. TTP extended full support to LI, and AI was almost driven out of the region and increased TTP influence in the region was becoming evident. It was at this point when civilian casualties escalated and mass migration from the Tirah Valley started that the army stepped in. With General Elections only days away, it would have been catastrophic if hundreds of thousands of inhabitants of the valley had become IDPs. Additionally with Peshawar well within the range of rocket launchers the threat of TTP advancement in to the developed regions of the country had become too real. The AI-Army alliance is strategic and passing. Whether the army death toll includes the AI, or they aren’t dying at all is not certain. It is possible that the militant death include the AI, TTP, and LI, which would quite literally be true.

The new tagline for justifying drone strikes is ‘Unwilling and Unable’. The US claims that Pakistan is both, unwilling and unable to get rid of terrorists, and hence drones, are a final resort to secure their own national interest is justified. How they come up with new justifications for overstepping the boundaries and disrespecting sovereignty is fascinating. But after delegating the responsibility of keeping the terrorists out to anti-state elements, who haven’t pledged any loyalties to the region, what can we say about Pakistan’s sovereignty? Some argue that more than delegating authority the military and political establishments’ apparent absence was more about respecting the existing status quo that has been for centuries.

The expanding terrorism in the Northern areas can be solved not by drone attacks or killing the terrorists alone, rather by better law enforcement and presence of state sponsored security. The operation that Pakistan army troops are sacrificing their lives for concerns the US’ national security as well. After the drone method has proven ineffective and immoral both countries should look into alternatives. The US needs to decide: in or out? If out then they should completely rely on what the Pakistan army executes. But if they believe we are unwilling and unable then they must join in any battle against the Taliban, even if some blood will be spilt. But this would mean allowing US troops into our territory, and that is another breach of our sovereignty. And hence the dearth of solutions. As the army continues to sacrifice lives, while we acknowledge the courage it takes to execute such an operation, we must realize these lives and those of the civilians can be saved if preventive measures are taken. The upcoming government must get all local and foreign stakeholders on board and strategize better governance in the northern areas of Pakistan. The gun is only a temporary solution.


Conversations with Badami Bagh residents

March 15, 2013

By Ahsan Waheed
ZoneAsia-Pk

Badami Bagh is no less than a ravaged town awaiting life once again. Along the sides of the roads are little yellow tents set up for the Christian families who lost their homes when an angry mob set fire to the entire residential area.

These little tents are filled with people. It is as if the little tents have become portable homes for the citizens who have nothing else left. Little toys, water bottles, a pile of clothes – Badami Bagh residents have begun to reconstruct their lives within the temporary homes provided to them since there is no knowing when their real homes will be ready for them to go back to.

Read more…


FP: Standing strong with our Hazara brothers

February 22, 2013

FOR PAKISTAN

Quetta was still recovering from the heart wrenching January attacks when it suffered another tragedy last week. A Sunni militant organization, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, planned a horrific bomb blast which left at least 80 people dead and more than 200 people injured. Their targets were the Hazaras.

Sectarian violence against the Hazara community goes backs to the late 1970s and even today they continue to be victims of terrorism. Its people live in perpetual fear; staying in their homes would make them the target of bomb attacks and venturing out in the world means they can be taken hostage, dragged out of buses and shot dead.

More than 1000 Hazaras have died and an additional 3000 injured from attacks since 1999. Law enforcement agencies and courts have failed to bring the victims any justice. It is no surprise that around 55000 people have chosen to migrate abroad for their safety. Some say this aggression is the result of Zia’s Islamisation which was supported by Wahabi Muslims. Others believe it is the Hazaras’ superior economic wellbeing in comparison to their Pashtun counterparts that has instigated this violence. Hazaras are known to value education and over time have flourished in businesses and real estate. Together these socio-economic and ethnic tensions have complicated the case against Hazaras.

It is natural to feel frustrated and angry at the government who can’t provide the fundamental right of security to its minority communities. But there is a silver lining in these gloomy days too. In the past two incidents of massacre in Quetta, we saw hundreds of people from different religious, ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds all around the world stand up for the rights of the Hazaras. Demonstrations were seen in many countries including Canada, UK, and Australia appealing to their governments, human right organizations and the UN for affirmative action.

In Pakistan especially we saw an overwhelming support from non-Shias and the youth. Many included students who advocated for human rights. Others were young employees who chose to take a day off from work or devote their lunch break to help the protesters. Some people chose to express their support in an unconventional yet peaceful way. They collected donations and used it to offer protesters food and refreshments. Police officers were even invited to lunch. One volunteer said he wanted to do this to keep the morale of the protesters high. In Karachi, a group of boys offered to perform security checks of all people entering the protest. The level of commitment shown in ensuring peaceful protests was impressive and must be appreciated. Volunteers demonstrated great cooperation in organizing their efforts. The small difference that each individual made proved the sincerity of their feelings for their Hazara brothers.

News of this massacre spread through online media platforms which were also used to invite and organize people for protests. Information about the venue, time and even transport arrangements were provided. Twitter and Facebook were two common forums which people used to denounce the killings and discuss the media’s and government’s response. Live updates from participants in the rallies gave distant family members and friends a clear picture of the ground reality.

We may come from different backgrounds and follow different belief systems but we are all connected to each other through humanity. The extraordinary bravery that the Pakistani public has exhibited in these testing times should continue for not just the Hazaras but for all other minorities who have suffered injustices on the bases of their religion, race or ethnicity. A strong unity over human rights could be the hidden strength the country needs to take down extremism.


Area 14/8: Who will provide affirmative action in India?

February 8, 2013

Area 14/8

Consumed with weapon purchases, maritime capabilities and external threats from China and Pakistan, India has it seems neglected to peek at the state of affairs within its own boundaries. In the past few months, multiple incidents infringing the right of freedom of speech have occurred which has prompted writer Salman Rushdie to smear India with his “cultural emergency” allegation.

Although Rushdie’s credibility is uncertain and his agenda equally debatable, his accusation rings of the truth. India’s cultural intellect, its writers, poets, film makers and artists are being censured if their opinion and expression does not conform to the mainstream perceptions of India. Recently, a Tamil film called Vishwaroopam was condemned by Muslim religious groups in Tamil Nadu since it projected Muslims in a negative light. The government decided to ban the release of the film claiming that they lacked sufficient police forces to monitor all cinema houses for riots. Vishwaroopam’s producer, Kamal Haasan was so disillusioned that he threatened to leave India for a secular state abroad. Eventually, he agreed to cut some scenes from the film.

Elsewhere, renowned sociologist, Ashis Nandy, was attacked for insulting unprivileged classes by drawing links between corruption and “other backward classes, scheduled casters and scheduled tribes” at the Jaipur Literary Festival. A case was registered against him by Rajpal Meena, Chairperson of the SC/ST Rajasthan Manch, and subsequently, he was charged with the Prevention of Atrocities Act.

The controversial Salman Rushdie also made headlines when he accused the West Bengal government of deliberately hatching a plan to prevent his participation in Kolkata Literary Meet for the promotion of his new novel, “Midnight’s Children”. Even last year, protests and death threats had compelled him to cancel his visit to the Jaipur Literature Festival.

There are many other instances where unconventional news or statements have been targeted. India ranked a shocking 140th out of 179 countries on the Press Freedom index, issued by Reporters Without Borders. Reporter Soorinje would attest to this fact. He was arrested for multiples offences including criminal conspiracy, rioting with deadly weapons and using criminal force on a woman with the intention of outraging her modesty. Soorinje’s report on an attack on a birthday celebration involving Muslims at a homestay in Mangalore had held right wing extremists Hindu Jagarana Vedike responsible. Similarly, two women were arrested in last November when they Facebook comments offended followers of Bal Thackeray.

India should not be singled out for rising social discontent over freedom of speech. There are many such cases present in modernized societies too. The real issue concerning India is why the government chooses to be a part of this oppression? This is the government which likes to highlight itself as a democratic pluralistic nation where people of different religions, ethnicities, races and social statuses reside in harmony.

The government uses the maintenance of law and order as a justification for its extreme measures. But is law and order code for protecting parties’ mandate? In West Bengal similar to Tamil Nadu, people believed extreme steps were taken by the government to prevent any ill-will with Muslim voters. Are these infringements on the freedom of speech a political game only? Politicians may indeed be using cultural intellectuals as easy targets to keep the public distracted from pressing issues like poverty and unemployment.

It may not be just that the government is afraid of extremists; it may even share the same sentiments. Many state officials include hardliners like members of the Bharatiya Janata Party( BJP) sparking suspicions about state-sponsored terrorism. India’s Home Minister admitted to the involvement of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and BJP in promoting terrorism within the country and placing the blame on minority communities. Just recently, BJP was very vocal in banning Pakistani writers from attending a literary festival in India.

Freedom of speech is guaranteed in the Indian Constitution under Article 19. However, this freedom is subject to certain limitations such as “public order”, “decency or morality” and “security of the State”. The Supreme Court seems to be maintaining a low profile in controlling the government’s outbursts of actions. In Nandy’s case,for example, it stayed the arrest but also supported the state’s response saying that an “idea” is capable of inflicting harm.

Indian has failed to implement affirmative action. Since the government is not longer impartial, it is now up to the masses to reclaim their right to the freedom of speech.


The Amazing Indian Army

January 17, 2013

Area 14/8

Though western media have a soft corner for India,as they consider it a largest democracy of the world and a secular state,reports abound that India’s security forces use torture and rape as a weapon to punish,intimidate,humiliate and degrade the victims in Kashmir and elsewhere in India. The pattern of Army’s misconduct is also glaringly observed when contingent of Indian army performs duties as UN peacekeeping mission abroad. In Congo, army personnel raped women that resulted in unlawful pregnancies. Twelve officers and thirty-nine soldiers were probed in Meerut,Uttar Pradesh,India,for sexually abusing the local women and for having fathered children while on UN peacekeeping mission in Congo in 2008. UN Commission found DNA evidence of children born to Congo women,having distinct Indian features. UN authorities are putting pressure on Indian Government to investigate the issue. Unfortunately Indian media insinuated Pakistani spy agency “ISI” to protect a career officer of Indian Army employed as Instructor in Bangladesh Staff College who was caught with his pants down with a Bangladeshi woman by some vigilant eye of camera.

The Indian soldiers had exploited the war torn women of Congo,and sexual abuse cases reached into hundreds. These girls and women were raped either through coercion or under deceit of food items and Indian-made cosmetics. Indian brigade commander in Congo accused Pakistani soldiers of such violations to avert the blame. UN authorities ordered DNA tests. UN authorities informed Indian government and asked for legal proceeding against these officers and soldiers. Indian efforts of accusing Pakistani soldiers were refuted due to DNA test. Following the allegations,the regiment in which the officers and soldiers were serving was recalled from the Congo and attached to the Western Command headquarters. Earlier too,there have been allegations of sexual abuse and graft against Indian Army officers and soldiers serving in UN missions in the Congo. In March 2008,three officers were charged with sexual abuse of a local woman while on a holiday in South Africa. In 2007,there were allegations that some of the Indian peacekeepers had exchanged food and information with the locals for obtaining gold from rebels in North Kivu in the Congo.

However,there is no parallel to the atrocities perpetrated on Kashmiris in Indian Held Kashmir where Indian soldiers’ stories of rape and murder abound. In order to suppress the freedom movement in IOK Indian Army used religious prejudice and hatred against Muslims while using rape as a weapon against Kashmiri women,whereas the Indian authorities turned a blind to their heinous crimes. Hence,the habitual criminals not only got away with their crime against Muslim women in IOK but also got promotions and postings of their choices. Rape by Army officers/soldiers was taken as part of accepted military norm/culture. On 29th May,2009,two girls Aasiya and Neelofar were reportedly raped and murdered by Indian soldiers in Shopian. The government almost shelved the case after the concocted inquiry report stated that Aasiya slipped and fell in the ravine and Neelofar tried to save her,but both drowned in the ravine. On 29th May 2011,a complete shutdown was observed in Shopian town in Indian occupied Kashmir to mark the second anniversary of rape and murder of two Kashmiri women,Aasiya and Neelofar by Indian soldiers.

With the release of its 2009 country report on India,the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) had placed India on its “Watch List” in August 2009. USCIRF said India earned the Watch List designation due to the disturbing increase in communal violence against religious minorities – specifically Christians in Orissa in 2008 and Muslims in Gujarat in 2002 – and the largely inadequate response from the Indian government to protect the rights of religious minorities. “It is extremely disappointing that India,which has a multitude of religious communities,has done so little to protect and bring justice to its religious minorities” said Leonard Leo,USCIRF chair. “USCIRF’s India chapter was released in August 2009 to mark the first anniversary of the anti-Christian violence in Orissa.” In 2008 in Orissa,the murder of Swami Saraswati by Maoist rebels in Kandhamal sparked a prolonged and destructive campaign targeting Christians in Orissa,resulting in attacks against churches and individuals. But the West rather played down the gory incident.

Nevertheless,some human rights organizations have been exposing Indian soldiers and officers involved in sex scandals and rapes. Since the Indian government crackdown against Kashmiris in the disputed territory of Kashmir began in earnest in January 1990,after Kashmiris had started struggle in 1989. Rape by Indian security forces most often occurs during crackdowns,cordon-and-search operations during which men are held for identification in parks or schoolyards while security forces search their homes. In these situations,the security forces frequently engage in collective punishment against the civilian population by assaulting residents and burning their homes. Rape has also occurred frequently during reprisal attacks on civilians. Women who are the victims of rape are often stigmatised,and their testimony and integrity impugned. Social attitudes which cast the woman and not her attacker,as the guilty party often enjoys clout with the judiciary,making rape cases difficult to prosecute and leaving women unwilling to press charges.

According to a 1994 United Nations publication from 1990 to 1996,882 women were reportedly gang-raped by security forces in Jammu and Kashmir. A study done by Medecins Sans Frontieres in mid-2005 revealed that Kashmiri women we among the worst sufferers of sexual violence in the world. It further mentioned at since the beginning of the armed struggle in Kashmir in 1989,sexual violence was routinely perpetrated on Kashmiri women,with 11.6 per cent of respondents saying they were victims of sexual abuse. Interestingly,the figure is much higher than that of Sierra Leone,Sri Lanka and Chechnya. UNO had accused Indian army in writing of rape of Congolese women by its officers and soldiers. Previously such accusations were raised by Kashmiri and Indian minorities but were never listened to. Nobody sympathized with innocent women of Kashmir and minorities whose honor was targeted deliberately by Indian army personnel. International media withheld such news of rape and murder because the West has interest in the market of plus one-billion population.

In Sri Lanka

The IPKF was soon to earn the acronym – Innocent People Killing Force and a series of encounters will remind Jaffna Tamils how wonderful India had treated the Tamil people. Indian reply by Brig Kahlon for rape charges were “the Indian army are not angels….rape happens even in the West”. These are just a few of the examples of IPKF’s war crimes in Sri Lanka against the Tamil people India is now so concerned about.

  • 12 October 1987 – IPKF attacks village of Kokuvil killing over 40 civilians’ in retaliation for loosing 29 Indian commandoes at the Jaffna University raid.
  • 21 October 1987 – Deepavali,68 innocent Tamils shot and killed by IPKF inside Jaffna Hospital including hospital doctors,nurses,staff and patients. Dr. Sivapathasuntharan who entered the hospital the next day was also killed by the IPKF.
  • 21 November 1987 – Trincomalee,a IPKF soldier kills 7 civilians and injures 4 by indiscriminate firing.
  • August 1989 – Velvettiturai,64 Sri Lankan Tamil civilians killed by the IPKF.
  • More than a 100 Tamil civilian bodies were found in Chunnakam,Mallakam,Uduvil,Manipay,Maruthanamadam and Inuvil – all deaths attributed to the IPKF.
  • Amnesty International Report 1988 (Jan-Dec 1987) quotes local magistrate in North Sri Lanka finding seven cases of rape by IPKF. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA37/030/1990/en/1520f8d1-17d4-…
  • A book on India’s war crimes against Tamil civilians was released in April 2011 in New Delhi titled “In the Name of Peace:IPKF Massacres of Tamils in Sri Lanka” documented by the Northeast Secretariat on Human Rights (NESoHR) and published by the Delhi Tamil Students Union. The book covers 12 massacres committed by the IPKF.

We do not deny the cultural affinities shared between India and Sri Lanka,we do not deny the close ties that have existed over centuries but inspite of such ties India has gone on to commit the unthinkable upon a nation that has done India no harm.

Indian atrocities in Kashmir

“As the conflict in Kashmir enters its fourth year,central and state authorities have done little to stop the widespread practice of rape by Indian security forces in Kashmir. Indeed,when confronted with the evidence of rape,time and again the authorities have attempted to impugn the integrity of the witnesses,discredit the testimony of physicians or simply deny the charges everything except order a full inquiry and prosecute those responsible for rape”.
(Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights,May 09,1993)


“Since January 1990,rape by Indian occupation forces has become more frequent. Rape most often occurs during crackdowns,cordon and search operations during which men are held for identification in parks or schoolyards while security forces search their homes. In raping them,the security forces are attempting to punish and humiliate the entire community.”
(‘Pain in Kashmir:A Crime of War’issued jointly by Asia Watch and Physicians for Human Rights,May 09,1993)

“By beginning TV cameras and prohibiting the presence in Kashmir of the International Red Cross and of human rights organization,the Indian authorities have tried to keep Kashmir out of the news.”
(`Kashmiri crisis at the flash point’,The Washington Times,by columnist Cord Meyer,April 23,1993)

“(On February 23,1991),at least 23 women were reportedly raped in their homes at gunpoint (at Kunan Poshpora in Kashmir). Some are said to have been gang-raped,others to have been raped in front of their children …The youngest victim was a girl of 13 named Misra,the oldest victim,name Jana,was aged 80″.
(Amnesty International,March 1992)

“The most common torture methods are severe beatings,sometimes while the victim is hung upside down,and electric shocks. People have also been crushed with heavy rollers,burned,stabbed with sharp instruments,and had objects such as chilies or thick sticks forced into their rectums. Sexual mutilation has been reported”.
(Amnesty International,March 1992)

“The worst outrages by the CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force) have been frequent gang rapes of all women in Muslim villages,followed by the execution of the men”.
(Eric Margolis,The Ottawa Citizen,December 8,1991)

“While army troops dragged men from their homes for questioning in the border town of Kunan Pushpura,scores of women say they were raped by soldiers….a pregnant Kashmiri woman,who was raped and kicked,gave birth to a son with a broken arm.”
(Melinda Liuin,Newsweek,June 24,1991)
[Anthony Wood and Ron MaCullagh of the Sundav Observer (June 02,1992) estimated that over 500 Indian army men were involved in this orgy of rape and plunder in Kunan Pushpura.]

“The security forces have entered hospitals,beaten patients,hit doctors,entered operating theaters,smashed instruments. Ambulances have been attacked,curfew passes are confiscated.”
(Asia Watch,May 1991)

“Subjugated,humiliated,tortured and killed by the 650,000-strong Indian army,the people of Kashmir have been living through sheer hell for more than a year,the result of an increasingly brutal campaign of state repression. India hides behind its carefully-crafted image of “non-violence”and presents itself in international forums as a model of democracy and Pluralism. Yet,it is unable to stand up the scrutiny of even its admirers. All journalists,especially television crews,were expelled from the Valley. With no intrusive cameras to record the brutalities of the Indian forces,the world has been kept largely in the dark.” (The Toronto Star,January 25,1991)

“Young girls were now being raped systematically by entire (Indian) army units rather than by a single soldier as before. Girls are taken to soldier’s camps and held naked in their tents for days on end. Many never return home….Women are strung up naked from trees and their breast lacerated with knives,as the (Indian) soldiers tell them that their breast will never give milk again to a newborn militant. Women are raped in front of their husbands and children,or paraded naked through villages and beaten on the breasts.”
(The Independent,September 18,1990)

Atrocities will further fuel Naxalism

Praful Bidwai

The killing of 20 civilians by the Central Reserve Police Force in Bijapur in Central India’s Chhattisgarh will go down as a black mark in the history of Indian counter -insurgency. All evidence suggests that the CRPF gravely mistook a village meeting to plan a seed festival for a Maoist gathering and indiscriminately fired on it.

Among the victims were two 15-year-old boys,a 12-year-old girl,and a professional drum player -hardly fit to be confused for armed Naxalites. Although the CRPF troops’bullet injuries remain unexplained,and four of those killed allegedly had police records,nothing suggests that Maoists ambushed the troops,who then fired in self-defence.

Even firing in self-defence cannot be indiscriminate. Besides,there’s evidence of sexual assault and mutilation of dead bodies. This suggests collective punishment -which is categorically unacceptable.

Equally deplorable is the butchery’s rationalisation that the CRPF has no “system of segregating”guerrillas from civilians during gunfights,and Chief Minister Raman Singh’s argument that Maoists use civilians as human shields,and are responsible for their deaths.

However,the present case appears less an instance of unintended damage than deliberate targeting. The attacking party followed the “fire-first-and-ask-questions-later”approach.

The incident emphasises the growing disconnect between the people and counterinsurgency troops,who have no comprehension of their language,culture and sensitivities,and whom they often consider inferior

In Chhattisgarh,Adivasi identities,rooted in an ancient civilisation,remain strong. It is only since the 1980s that they have been exposed to large-scale intrusion by external predatory interests like forest contractors and the mining mafia. The tribals have over the years lost land and access to forests.

The state fails to comprehend this as it pushes destructive mining and industrial projects,thus increasing the Adivasis’alienation. It hasn’t even invested a fraction of what it spends on the paramilitary forces in addressing Adivasi grievances or helping its counterinsurgency troops understand the roots of tribal alienation amidst which Maoism thrives.

E.N. Rammohan -a distinguished former Border Security Force chief with much counterinsurgency experience -puts his finger on the nub:”Give land to the tiller and forests back to the tribals. Plus,bring down the vast gap between the rich and the poor� and the Maoists would be on the wane.”

In Bijapur,the CRPF was in the first place wrong to open fire. The proper objective of a counterinsurgency operation is not to kill rebels,but to bring them to justice by establishing their culpability for specific crimes,and to isolate them politically from the population.

This civilian butchery has created fear and insecurity among the people. Many are planning to move out of their villages into neighbouring Andhra Pradesh. It will take generations for their scars to heal.

Politically,the incident is a huge victory for the Maoist argument that the Indian state is irredeemably anti-people and brutal. Democracy is a mere fa�ade. It must be overthrown through an armed revolution.

The only way to redeem this situation is to award exemplary punishment to those responsible for the killings. India has paid a heavy price for not bringing the culprits of past counterinsurgency excesses to book.

Take the Chittisingpura massacre of 2000,in which 36 Sikhs were killed. Indian military forces killed five innocent locals at Pathribal in Anantnag district,claiming they were the culprits. Their bodies were dressed up in military uniforms and set on fire in an extraordinarily shoddy cover-up attempt. Officers were decorated and monetarily rewarded for this heinous crime. They compounded their offence by substituting the victims’DNA samples with fake ones.

The incident still rankles in Kashmir. Yet,nobody has been put on trial for it -although the Supreme Court has strongly refuted the army’s misguided invocation of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act to reject that demand.

The latest Chhattisgarh killings raise serious questions about the anti-Maoist campaign underway in nine states. It has come in for scathing criticism from an Expert Group of the Planning Commission.

The Group holds:”The methods chosen by the government to deal with the Maoist phenomenon [have] increased the people’s distrust of the police and consequent unrest. Protest against police harassment is itself a major instance of unrest frequently leading to further violence by the police� which in effect triggers a second round of the spiral.”

In many parts of India,the state has been captured by the rich or become dysfunctional and predatory upon the people. Notes the Expert Group:”One of the attractions of the Naxalite movement is that it does provide protection to the weak against the powerful.. One doesn’t have to romanticise the Maoists to recognise this.

Green Hunt only pays lip service to the official “two-pronged”approach of “development”and “law-and-order,”or simultaneously redressing popular grievances and using force. In practice,it overwhelmingly relies on brute force without recognising that the insurgency feeds on Adivasi dispossession and brutalisation.

The official premise that Maoism is India’s “greatest internal security threat”is profoundly mistaken. The Maoists aren’t about to capture power or destroy India’s unity. They pose a civil law-and-order problem,which should be tackled by normal police methods -good intelligence-gathering,crime control,painstaking evidence collection,and prosecution of those instigating or practising violence.

By contrast,social cohesion is gravely threatened by the communal Right,including the Bharatiya Janata Party and its associates,some of whom have embraced terrorism,but against whom the Indian state doesn’t act.

The state must heed the counsel of counterinsurgency experts like Robert Thompson. “Hardly,if ever,has a counter-insurgency campaign been won strictly by waging war. Military action has an important role in overcoming guerrillas,but the philosophy espoused by the guerrillas must also be defeated and this requires a well-reasoned combination of political reform,civic action and education of the population.”

As Mr. Rammohan puts it,a counterinsurgency operation must be “scrupulously legal.”This is a precondition for its popular acceptance,and also for the state’s legitimacy. When will India’s rulers learn this?

Atrocities on Sikh Women in Punjab

“If any action occurs in this village,every single male is going to be taken out and shot. Then we’re going to take all the women to our camp and there we’re going to create a new breed for Punjab.”

Brig. RP Sinha addressing assembled Sikh villagers on March 8,1991,International Women’s Day

And this was the way International Women’s Day was celebrated in Punjab. The untold story of the Sikh Resistance Movement is the story of Sikh women. It is a feature of Punjabi culture that atrocities on women are rarely reported and remain hidden. Families feel ashamed to speak of the treatment women received at the hands of Indian Security Forces,but this story must be told.

Role of Sikh Women in the Movement

Many Sikh women participated in the Sikh resistance movement as fighters. Like their sisters from past ages,Sikh women joined their brothers in the fight for freedom. Many brave Singhnees fought side by side with their Singhs and attained Shaheedee. The examples of Shaheeds Bhai Harvinderjit Singh Taini Babbar and Bibi Manjeet Kaur Babbar (their story will be posted later),Bhai Pritpal Singh and Bibi Harjeet Kaur,etc,are notable.

Sikh women often worked as messengers for Sikh Resistance groups as well as preparing hideouts and serving tired Sikh fighters.

But unfortunately,many Sikh women were also the target of the bloody thirsty Indian Security forces. Sikh women were ruthlessly tortured,not only physically but also mentally. They were used as tools to force the surrender of Sikh fighters who were their relatives and also as a means of humiliating families. When Sikh women were arrested with their husbands,the husbands were often forced to watch the rape of their wives. Rape was used as an interrogation tool.

Humiliation:A common form of torture used on Sikhs

The Indian Forces also began a program of “shudhee karan”,which was a code name for the rape of Sikh women. They joked that the offspring of their rapes would change the genetic makeup of the Sikh community and they would kill the Resistance in this way. Many rape victims took their own lives,unable to live with the ongoing humiliation at the hands of the Indian police.

The first example of the atrocities heaped upon Sikh women is that of Bibi Amandeep Kaur.

Shaheed Bibi Amandeep Kaur

Bibi Amandeep Kaur

Bibi Amandeep Kaur was the sister of Bhai Harpinder Singh Goldy aka. Pamma of the Khalistan Commando Force. She was only twenty when she was arrested,tortured,raped and then killed by the Punjab Police.

Bibi Amandeep Kaur,before her Shaheedee was on the run but had the courage to tell her story to human rights workers.

Here is her story in her own words,shortly before she was murdered [I have divided the sections for easier reading]:

Marriage &Arrest

“Jaswinder Singh Sraa son of Surjeet Singh of Jassowal village Ludhiana dst. Was born and brought up on the UK. He presently lives in Mississauga Canada.

He came to India on October 12,1991 for marriage on October 24th. We along with my father Jaswant Sngh,village Headman Bhag Singh and Member of Panchyaat Meet Singh went to the office of the sub-registrar,Rampura Phul,for registration of the marriage. As we came out of the courtroom,the SHO of Phul,picked up three of us,me,my husband and my father. We were taken to Phul Police Station where SSP Kahlon,SP Mohkam Singh,DSP Aulah and SP of Operations were present.

Inhuman Torture

The SSP on seeing us,promptly ordered that my two male relations be stripped naked in my presence. He then took out the picture of his slain son and addressing them remarked that he had taken the revenge for the murder (by dishonouring me,the sister of an underground Sikh activist).

Kahlon then started abusing my husband and father. He took hold of a lathi to beat the two. It was then the turn of his subordinates who beat us with their leather belts. The SSP ordered that my husband and father slap each other.

After this cruel exercise,we were blindfolded. I was relieved of my two wedding rings,a pair of ear-rings and one golden chain. From my husband,the SSP snatched $500 and a bracelet of 3.5 tolas and his wedding ring. My father was similarly robbed of Rs. 2500. I and my husband were put into our van PCL-8433. We heard the SSP directing his staff to set our house on fire and bring the wife and younger daughter of Jaswant Singh (my mother and sister) to the police station for similar treatment.

After Kahlon left,we were brought back to the police station. While my husband and father were put in the lock-up,I was kept out for maltreatment [i.e. for sexual assault].

Early next morning we three were taken to Sardulgarh by our van. On October 27,my mother Surjeet Kaur was brought to us. She told us her story of dishonour [rape],torture and maltreatment. She was kept in a Rampura police station and at the head office of CIA Bathinda.

In our absence,the police from Rampura Phul ransacked our house and removed all our belongings. The village panchayat was not let anywhere near the house. No seizure report was prepared and handed over to the panchayat or anyone else.

12 Days of Terror

I,my mother and father were kept in Sardulgarh police station for 12 days. But my husband was moved to Phul police station on October 29. The SSP was present there. He ordered my husband’s release on October 30,telling him to forget about his marriage to me and leave India immediately,which he did the next day. In the meantime,the village panchayat came to know of our detention at Sardulgarh and they came there to rescue us but we were removed stealthily to Boha police station.

At Boha,I was not given even water for washing under SSP’s order. We were maltreated there [the woman was reluctant to give details of the mistreatment].

After eight days,the three of us were removed from Boha to CIA Bathinda. My mother and I were released from three weeks of illegal detention. My father was kept in CIA Bathinda and at Phul and was produced in a court on November 30. A case was registered against him.

KP Gill ‘Helpless’

While we were in custody,Jaswinder Singh,who happens to be brother of my father,telephoned DGP KP Gill at telephone No. 753-546840 requesting him to intervene but Gill told him that Kahlon did not listen to his advice.

We have learnt that the SSP had picked us up because on October 23,1991,some millitants had abducted six traders of Phul and the police suspected my 16-year-old brother Harpinder Singh Goldy aka. Pamma’s hand in the abduction. My brother had gone underground in the wake of police harassment in August 1991 when he was studying in class 10 + 1 .

I have gone underground to escape further humiliation and torture because the SSP Harkishan Kahlon is after me,for unknown reasons. Because of the “treatment”given to my husband,he has left me and does not wish to keep me as his wife any longer.”

Shaheedee

Bibi Amandeep Kaur stayed in hiding until January 21 1992. The police then played a sinister game. They asked he to return to her house,returning all her property and insisted they would not harass her any more. They also bailed her father the day before. Jaswant Singh did not trust the police so he did not return home. Amandeep Kaur did. When her mother was out,two gun men with masked faces came on behalf of SSP Bathinda,Kahlon,and shot Bibi Amandeep Kaur dead on January 21st at 7:30pm.

Bhai Harpinder Singh Gold,brother of Bibi Amandeep Kaur,at age 18,also later sacrificed his life for the cause of Sikh freedom.

The Story of Bibi Gurmeet Kaur

Bibi Gurmeet Kaur was a student of the 10 grade at village Lehrkaa near Kathoo Nangal. Bibi Gurmeet Kaur and her older sister Bibi Parmjeet Kaur had gone to visit their father Swarn Singh and brother Satnam Singh who were in prison for giving shelter to Sikh Resistance fighters. They had returned home on April 21,1989 when the Indian police raided their home and arrested Bibi Parmjeet Kaur. The police told villagers that the Deputy Commissioner wanted to record her statement. Parmjeet Kaur was kept in custody one night and then returned home. Next Gurmeet Kaur was arrested and kept for two nights. She too was released but threatened with dire circumstances if she told what had happened to her. Gurmeet Kaur did not remain silent and recounted what had happened to her.

When Gurmeet Kaur was brought to the police station,she was stripped naked and tortured in the verandah of the police station in plain view of all the police officers. That night,the police blindfolded her and locked her in a room. In that room,drunken Indian Police officers took turns raping her. Gurmeet Kaur fell unconscious and when she woke the next morning,she found herself covered in blood and stark naked.

The next day,Gurmeet Kaur was tortured again. The perverse and twisted police officers went so far as to put salt and chili peppers into Gurmeet Kaur’s private parts.

On April 24,when Gurmeet Kaur was released,she could not walk. She was taken to hospital for treatment by the villagers.

Other Cases

These cases are not unique. Gang Rapes and humiliation were common in Punjab. 19 year old Baljeet Kaur,sister of Sikh fighter Bhai Gurjeet Singh was also gang raped. Bibi Rachhpal Kaur was arrested for no reason but for having caught the eye of the police party and On September 5,1989 was gang raped by the Kali Das Sharma and other police officers.

The story of the treatment of Sikh women at the hands of Indian Security Forces is a long and sad one. I don’t know which cases to highlight and which to leave. Should I write about Sarbjit Kaur (14) and Salwinder Kaur (13) who were abducted while collecting clay for a school project and then gang raped and killed by Indian Police? Or should I write about the seven-year-old daughter of a Singh who was molested and then dismembered by the Police’s Poohla Nang? The list is endless.

The abuse of Sikh women was and is widespread in Punjab. Mothers,wives and children of Sikh fighters were considered legitimate targets. The butchers who were responsible for these tragedies are still in the police force today. They are now high ranking officers. And the abuse continues…

“Now Get Your Khalistan…”

Victim of Police Torture

Bhai Nirvair Singh was the Granthi of Gurdwara Shaheedaa(n),Amritsar. Bhai Nirvair Singh’s younger brother,Bhai Kulwant Singh was a Sikh Resistance Fighter and the police constantly raided their home in search of him. Finally,unable to locate Kulwant Singh,SSP Azhar Alam and his “Black Cats” shot Bhai Nirvair Singh to death. Bhai Nirvair Singh’s wife,Bibi Manjit Kaur,was with him at the time and ran to save herself. The police caught Bibi Manjit Kaur and badly beat her with their rifle butts. They let her live,but her ordeal was far from over.

On May 5,1988,the police again raided the house. Bhai Nirvair Singh’s youngest brother,Bhai Dilbagh Singh,a Granthi at Gurdwara Baba Bakala,was home but hid himself,fearing for his life. The police spotted him and without any warning,shot him dead. Bibi Manjit Kaur was still in the house when the police entered and they immediately began to beat her. They grabbed her by her hair and dragged her to the fields where the Indian Police tortured her for an hour and a half. When Bibi Manjit Kaur was almost senseless,they threw her on top of Bhai Dilbagh Singh’s dead body and laughed,”Now get your Khalistan…”. Bibi Manjit Kaur’s feet were so swollen from the torture that she could not walk for days. Her scalp also oozed blood from the repeated blows. Villagers who were witness to this scene were also beaten and told to keep their mouths shut. Harassment of their family and relatives continued.

Azhar Alam

Today,Azhar Alam is a high ranking official in the Vigilance Bureau of the Punjab Police. The man responsible for the brutal torture of thousands of innocent Sikh men and women has not been charged with any crime.

Bibi Gurdev Kaur &Bibi Gurmeet Kaur

Perhaps the most brutal of all Indian Police officials in Punjab was Batala’s Gobind Ram. Gobind Ram took sadistic pleasure in personally torturing Sikh prisoners and kept a vat filled with feces and urine that he force-fed to amritdhari Sikhs while saying,”You have drunk the amrit of Gobind Singh,now drink the amrit of Gobind Ram.”

Gobind Ram’s atrocities came to light nationwide when he ordered the arrest of Bibi Gurdev Kaur (wife of Bhai Kulwant Singh Babbar) and Bibi Gurmeet Kaur (wife of Bhai Mehal Singh). Both Singhs were underground at the time.

On August 21,1989,a van with tinted windows came and parked in front of the Parbhat Finance Company,Amritsar,where both Singhnees worked. Six armed men got out of the van and approached Bibi Gurmeet Kaur and Bibi Gurdev Kaur,ordering them to get in the van. When the Bibis demanded to know who they were,one man identified himself as Lakhwinder Lakha,ASI. He said that the police party had come from Batala Sadr police station and they would have to come with him. When the Singhnees began to make a scene,the police threw them into the van. Bibi Gurmeet Kaur and Bibi Gurdev Kaur’s dastaars were ripped off and used to tie their arms and their kirpans were also taken off.

The van arrived at the notorious Beco Torture Centre in Batala at 7pm. When the Singhnees went inside,they saw SSP Gobind Ram beating a Sikh youth with a rod. When he saw the two women enter,he immediately came towards them and hit Gurdev Kaur in the stomach with his rod. Bibi Gurdev Kaur collapsed onto the ground and began to bleed from her private parts. The bleeding did not stop for several days. Gobind Ram kept hitting Bibi Gurdev Kaur in the stomach without saying a word for five minutes. He then gave the rod to another Inspector whom he ordered to hit Bibi Gurdev Kaur in the joints.

Gobind Ram next moved to Bibi Gurmeet Kaur whom he threw to the ground and began to kick in the chest. The next torture to begin was the “ghotna” where a heavy log is rolled on the thighs with men standing on top,which results in ripped muscles. In Bibi Gurdev Kaur’s own words,”Then they put a heavy roller on my thighs and made a few policemen stand on it,while others rotated it. I kept on screaming but they hit me with belts and kept on asking me the whereabouts of my husband Kulwant Singh.”

Both women were severely tortured for two days. Gobind Ram kept demanding to know where Bhai Kulwant Singh and Bhai Mehal Singh were. The Bibis kept repeating that they did not know,but Gobind Ram was not satisfied. They were tortured until they fell unconscious. They were then revived and tortured again.

When Bibi Gurdev Kaur was nearing her death,the police secretly took her to the government hospital and left her there. Gurmeet Kaur’s right leg was paralysed and both Singhnees had been kept awake since their arrest. Someone was called from the outside to massage their limbs so they could regain some sensation again. Both women could not walk but were forced to do so. In the hospital,a merciful lady doctor took care of Gurdev Kaur and also informed her family.

News of all this reached the media and all political religious and social organizations condemned Gobind Ram’s actions. When finally Gurmeet Kaur refused to hand over any Singh,she was threatened with being killed. By now though,because the press had gotten wind of the arrest,she was indicted in a false case and sent to jail. After some time,she too was released.

Because Bibi Gurdev Kaur received the best care possible,she was saved from death,but for the rest of her life she would face health problems.

Human Rights organizations condemned Gobind Ram for his brutal treatment of these two women. He claimed that no torture had occurred and both were kept in a “Guest House”. KP Gill,the Director General of Punjab Police announced,”the reports against SSP Batala,Gobind Ram by members of Panchyats and Sarpanches (community leaders) were false. There is no truth in them. This was propoganda against the police officers. This was verified after investigations. There were such reports against other honest and hardworking police officers [as well]“

When no action was taken against Gobind Ram,and he continued to torture and maim at will,the Singhs took it upon themselves to finish this rabid dog. Gobind Ram was killed on January 10,1990 in a massive bombing.

KP Gill:Super Cop or Sexual Predator?

KP Gill

KP Gill,ex-Director General of Punjab Police,is thought to have single handedly crushed the Khalistan movement in Punjab. He has been given the title of “Super Cop” by Indian media despite having unleashed a wave of terror on the Sikhs that was not even seen in the days of the Mughals. Torture methods were so grotesque and brutal that they cannot be described.

Gill was known to the Sikhs of Punjab as a drunk who also preyed on helpless women. Although Gill is proclaimed “Super Cop” in India and considered a great hero,the fact that he has been convicted for sexual assault is usually ignored.

In 1988,KP Gill was attending a party to celebrate Operation Black Thunder (an assault on Sree Darbaar Sahib Amrtisar). At this party,in plain view of all attendees,KP Gill sexually assaulted Indian Administrative Service officer Rupen Deol Bajaj. Bajaj was not helpless like most victims and instead of forgetting the incident,filed a police report.

Other officals spoke with Bajaj and asked her to withdraw the case since Gill was a hero in the fight against the Sikh Resistance but despite all this,she persisted. According to one report,”The government immediately took sides and tried to squelch or delay the court case. It also took petty action against Ms. Bajaj by making her a low-ranking official,stopping her mail,taking her off of mailing lists,removing her from government telephone books,etc”

Finally,in 1996,the butcher of Punjab,KP Gill was convicted of sexual assault. Though he was initially sentenced to three months in prison,the sentence was reduced to three years supervised probation (later further reduced to one year,un-supervised probation). He was also ordered to pay Rupen Deol Bajaj Rs. 2 lakh and pay Rs. 50 000 in legal expenses.

If a high ranking officer could not escape being a victim of Gill’s lust,what to say of the thousands of poor Sikh women kept in dark cells without any charges and without any rights? This is the character of India’s hero,KP Gill,”Super Cop”

And The Abuse Continues Today…

Some argue that in the turmoil of Punjab,perhaps some excesses were committed but times have changed. The Police have reformed and India now treats Sikhs fairly. A glance at the newspapers is enough to dispel that belief. The following story appeared in the Chandigarh Tribune on September 27,2003 http://www.tribuneindia.com/2003/20030927/chd.htm

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Woman alleges inhuman torture by police

Our Correspondent

Karamjit Kaur shows injury marks on her leg. – Tribune photo by Pankaj Sharma

Chandigarh,September 26

An another incident of brutal torture came to light when a 20-year-old girl,Karamjit Kaur,who was rescued by the Warrant Officer of the Punjab and Haryana High Court,today alleged that she was subjected to inhuman treatment and was asked to remove her clothes by the Punjab Police personnel at a press conference organised by the NGO Lawyers for Human Rights International here today.

“Five persons including two women,who had been allegedly subjected to third degree torture for several days by the Punjab Police were rescued by the Warrant Officer of the Punjab and Haryana High Court yesterday. These five persons were suspected to be involved in a murder case by the police. The five persons who were released included – Karamjit Kaur,Tirath Kaur,Sahib Singh,Gurdev Singh and Gurmit Singh,” informed Mr Arunjeev Singh Walia,Press Secretary.

Showing torture marks on her body,the victim while addressing scribes,said she was detained at Nabha police station for several days and been tortured. She was even ordered to remove her clothes by police constables,the victim alleged.

Narrating her tale of woe,she said police constables,after taking liquor usually interrogated her in the midnight. Even if a woman constable was called most of the time she stayed outside the room during her interrogation. The victim further added that:”I can not reveal the details whatever happened to me was worse than a hell.”

She further added that “she was subjected to inhuman third degree torture twice by pulling her legs apart in 180 degree and also beaten up with an iron rod in between her legs and two police men putting pressure on that rod.

“I was also threatened of liquidation if I did not disclose the truth and was also molested by the policemen”,the victim further said. Similarly,her mother said:”It was difficult to see my husband,son and daughter to be subjected to third degree torture by the police.”

When contacted the SHO of the police station concerned denied that they were subjected to third degrees torture. He said that all five of them were called at police station only for a day. Thereafter they were not traceable.
The General Secretary of the NGO,Mr Navkiran Singh,who had moved a petition in the high court for the release of victims said a Warrant Officer had secured the release five victims from the illegal custody of police station Kotwali,Nabha,Patiala district on September 25. He also informed that the high court had also ordered the medical examination of the victims. The Chairman of the NGO,Mr Amar Singh Chahal,demanded a CBI inquiry into the case.

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How many cases continue to go unreported?

The Khalsa once saved thousands of abducted Hindu women from being molested and sold by the Afghans. Why can’t we even save our own now? Our sisters continue to suffer in Punjab. And the Panth continues its long slumber…

A discussion on the atrocities Sikh women suffered in Punjab would not be complete without a discussion on what Sikh widows and their children continue to endure today. They have been forgotten by most in the Panth. Those Singhs that sacrificed their lives for the Sikh Cause must have thought that the Panth would take care of their families after they had been martyred. Sadly,this has not happened. And now,many say that no future generation will be willing to make the same sacrifices seeing the way families that were left behind in this chapter of the Sikh struggle continue to be neglected and live in poverty.

15-Year-Old Harpreet Kaur

By mid-1992,the Indian Police in Punjab had lost all sense of morality and considered human rights to be a joke. On June 25,1992,15-year-old Harpreet Kaur RaNo was stopped while riding her bicycle in Amritsar’s Ghio Mandi.

Harpreet Kaur was very interested in the Sikh struggle and used to consider the Sikh fighters her brothers. When the newspaper would print a notice about the Shahidi and bhog of a Sikh fighter,she would cut out their picture and keep it in her purse.

The police decided to search her purse. When the pictures were found,the excuse to arrest this young Sikh girl was found and she was taken directly to the famous torture center at BR Model School in Amritsar. She was put in the custody of Thanedar Darshan Lal who punished Harpreet Kaur for her “crime”. In that dark torture center,only Vahiguru knows what suffering and brutality Harpreet Kaur faced.

Despite her family’s best efforts to free her,the newspapers reported that Harpreet Kaur along with 3 other “terrorists” had been killed on June 27,1992 near Sultanvind. Her body was not given to the family. The family went to the cremation grounds at Durgiana Mandir and in one pile of ashes,Harpreet Kaur’s sister recognized a kaRa. The two sisters used to wear identical KaRas and the ashes were recognized as Harpreet Kaur’s. No justice was ever expected or delivered for this cold-blooded murder.

Final Wish…

Bibi Kulbir Kaur Dhami

Bibi Kulbir Kaur Dhami was kept in illegal custody by the Tarn Taran CIA staff for many months from 1993 to 1994. Miraculously,she survived. During that time she saw countless Singhs and Singhnees be tortured and then killed in fake encounters. In her own words,Bibi Kulbir Kaur recounts the final wish of one Bibi who was being taken to her death:

“Surinder Kaur was the principal of a Model School in Tarn Taran. Her school had approximately 400 children enrolled. Her husband was a former soldier and worked in a bank in Amritsar. It was perhaps July 1993 when he was arrested along with his wife and children and brought to the jail for having given shelter [to Sikh fighters]. With her was the son of a Pandit,Ramesh,who had become a Singh and had been arrested with his group [of fighters]. This group was tortured in front of us. They endured this cruelty for about a week and most of the group confessed to having participated in some actions,but this couple,[Bibi Surinder Kaur and her husband] were accused of having given the group shelter only.

Surinder Kaur kept begging that her body not be touched by any male police officer. She was kept with me for eight days in the women’s lockup. In front of me,she was interrogated four times a day. The male police officers would beat her with sticks and use the ghotna. Three or four policemen would stand on the ghotna. I myself saw them drag her around by the chest. This entire interrogation was conducted by SP Operation Khoobi Ram,DSP Gurmit Singh,Inspetor Ram Nath,and SI Tarlochan Singh. They are completely responsible for torturing and killing her (it’s another story that their orders were all coming from the top).

Four members of this group,along with Surinder Kaur’s husband were tortured for a week and then killed in a fake encounter which was reported to then newspapers. One of those was a police officer,Dalbir Singh,who had abandoned his job,but he was apparently spared. All this [the encounter] happened in front of him and he could be a witness.

At around 8pm,the police took Surinder Kaur away from me while beating her. Surinder Kaur was dragged away as she wept and called out my name. They threw her in a car. She was sobbing and screaming her final wish to me,”You have to take care of my child now…look after him…this is your responsibility now.” Surinder Kaur was killed that night. The police officials told me that she cried the entire time in the car and they told her to do paath after which they shot her. When she died,Surinder Kaur was wearing my suit and the police officials teased me that because my suit had gone in my place,I had been spared.”

Bibi Kulbir Kaur Dhami now runs the Gur Asra Trust for Sikh orphans in Mohali.

Widow of a “Terrorist”

The widows of Sikh “terrorists” have suffered terribly in the years since 1993. Widows like 18-year old Jasvir Kaur,who had been married to Sukhdev Singh Sukha of Babbar Khalsa International were forced by their poverty to marry much older men. Many began to do menial work to make ends meet.

The following interview appeared in “The Week”,a well known Indian Magazine on April 19,1998. Bibi Jasmeet Kaur is a Sikh hero. She was married to Bhai Satnam Singh Chheena of the Bhindranvala Tiger Force and was involved in the punishing of Comrade Hardev,a depraved police tout who was known to rape and kill with impunity.

Bhai Satnam Singh Chheena

INTERVIEW:JASMEET KAUR,WIDOW OF A TERRORIST

‘We feel abandoned by the community’

Jasmeet Kaur was widowed two years after she married Satnam Singh Chheena of the Bhindranwale Tigers Force of Khalistan in 1991. She lived underground for years,bore his two children while in hiding and is being tried in murder case. She is active in the Gur Aasra project. Excerpts from an interview:

How have people treated the families of militants after terrorism ended?

People started looking at us with suspicion and hatred. They blamed the terrorists and their families for the harassment by the police. They felt we women could have corrected our husbands. The behaviour of the in-laws was the worst. My parents cooperated with me. So I didn’t have many problems. Yes,I had financial difficulties,and worked for the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee. I did feel orphaned,worried and insecure.

Do you wish the bloody years had not happened?

I cannot regret those years. What has happened cannot be wished away. Today,I have two sons,six and five years. It is difficult to raise them alone. I would prefer not to discuss their whereabouts.

Does being the sons of Chheena affect them?

I have not told them anything. When they ask me,I tell them their father is in the village. How do I explain things to them? My children don’t know that their father was a militant though they know his real name. I don’t want them to know about him now. I just want them to become responsible citizens and that the society gives them the same respect and dignity as others get.

Any Akali faction with you?

No one is with us now,not even (Simranjeet Singh) Mann. He probably feels that if he speaks up for us,he will never win an election. It is a matter of politics. We do feel abandoned by the community.

How was the scene when your husband was around?

When the movement was on,we were all respected,especially if our intentions were clear. I was a proclaimed offender (PO) even before I got married. While in Khalsa College,Amritsar,I was annoyed at the attack on the Golden Temple. My links with the militant movement grew as did my desire for revenge. I was in the AISSF and then with the BTFK. I was involved in the murder of Comrade Hardev Singh,and was in jail for a year,in Amritsar. After marriage I became PO again and was arrested and later bailed out. In 1995,I was arrested in Gurdaspur,where there was a case against me. The police would have hounded every family I stayed with. So till January 1996 I was in jail and when I was released,I decided not to be a PO because I had children to raise. I decided to attend the court hearings and to work. I can’t say I returned to the mainstream,but can’t even say I have given up the movement…that is in my blood by now. It is another matter that I have decided not to lift a gun,but will fight politically. Now this itself is a fight to collect all these people under one roof. People ask us why we are here,and we tell them. That is also part of the fight.

What problems did you face in raising your sons?

It was very difficult to get birth certificates for my children. All of us women underground used to get admitted under fake names in hospitals. But I arranged it somehow. I cannot count how many children were born underground,but many were. Kulbir Kaur Dhami’s child was born in the jail. We also did not not tell the schools that the child’s father was a terrorist?

Any emotional disturbances among the children?

Plenty. Call any child and discuss it,and we will have a tough time consoling them. These kids have seen their fathers being dragged away by the hair. They often get up in the middle of their sleep,screaming “hai mere pappa ko maar diya”. They are all small kids who have seen raw violence. So we try not to remind them of it. Most of the small children have not been told that their fathers are dead. Now some of the older ones are learning from their elders. We cannot hide it for all times. They miss their fathers,but they are not old enough to realise that. They don’t know of terrorists. The elder ones have some idea,which they don’t want to talk about. Even if we want to talk to them,explain and correct the picture,they say that we are wrong…that they have seen their fathers fighting for dharam. Why then should we create a bad picture of our husbands in their minds?

Do the children know about Khalistan,what it was all about?

No. We will tell them clearly what it was all about when they grow up. If we tell them now,we don’t know how it will affect them. We want them to be involved in constructive work so that they forget their old trauma. We want them to study,play and be happy.

What Can You Do?

The Sikh widows and children left behind need us. The Singhs that died did their part and it’s now up to us to do ours. We must make sure that those left behind are not suffering and living in poverty.

The best thing we can do is to visit these families and help them in the way they need it most. Establishing contact with them directly.

If you don’t know of any way to do this,helping institutions that support these families is also a good option. Two institutions that are doing this are the Dharam Singh Khalsa Trust and GurAsra Trust. Their links are http://www.khalsatrust.com/ and http://www.guraasra.com or http://www.guraasra.org/ . Please support them in their mission.

Our Brothers and sisters need us now. We have let them down for much too long as it is.

BREAKING:New proof shows that High Ranking Sikh Army Officers were killed in 1984 Sikh Genocide

BREAKING:New proof shows that High Ranking Sikh Army Officers were killed in 1984 Sikh Genocide

Chandigarh:December 17,2012

All India Sikhs Students Federation (AISSF) and “Sikhs for Justice” (SFJ) has unearthed the “Murder Fields” at Tughlakabad and Nangloi where dozens of Sikhs belonging to Armed Forces were butchered to death during November 1984. The high Ranking officers &junior Ranks those who fell victims to the mayhem unleashed against serving Sikh defence personnel at Tughlakabad and Nangloi Railways Stations is a National Shame say the organizations.

AISSF,SFJ And All India Defence Brotherhood (Punjab) released the services particulars and other relevant details of the armed forces personnel killed in November 1984 at death traps laid at Tughlakabad and Nangloi. The documents obtained by AISSF reveals a single FIR Number 355 dated November 1,1984 lodged under sections 147,148,201,302,and 295 of the IPC lodged with Government Railway Police (GRP) Delhi. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) responsible for law and order at the Railway property not only failed to protect these Sikh Army Officers,but rather it is believed their weapons were instead used to kill the Sikh victims at Tughlakabad and Nangloi Railway Stations.

Pointing to the criminal silence by the Armed Forces for the past 28 years over the murder of its high ranking officers,AISSF President &Brigadier Kahlon have demanded the Ministry of Defence take immediate action in the prosecution of the culprits an leaders which masterminded the planned slaughter of Sikh army men during November 1984.

Brigadier Kahlon while speaking at a Press Conference stated that the Defence community in particular and the country as a whole would like to know from the Chiefs of Army Navy and Air Force what action was taken in response to these killings and what will now be done as a result of the revelation of these brutal killings of its own members,with use of their own weaponry and men.

Brigadier kahlon and other leaders have also demanded an immediate constitution of judicial commission so that the truth may come out and action be taken against the butchers involved in the killing as serving members of the the national army and armed forces.

AISSF has demanded a debate in the Parliament to determine why the slaughters broad day light of the nations defenders were completely ignored and no action has ever been taken against the perpetrators. The ruthless murder of high ranking Sikh Army Officers at Tughlakabad and Nangloi in the presence of Railway Police during November 1984 also proves the connivance of police and entire administration of the country in genocidal attacks on Sikhs stated Peer Mohammad.

Amongst those killed in the Massacres killed:

  • Lt. Col. A.S. Anand (74 ArmouredRegiment),
  • Major Sukhwinder Singh (150 Field Regiment),
  • Captain IPS Bindra (63 Cavalry),
  • Captain UPSJassal (9 Assam Battalion),
  • Captain Partap Singh (Ordinance Corps),
  • Lieutenant SS Gill (89 ArmouredRegiment)
  • Flight Lieutenant Harinder Singh,

The press conference held by SFJ and AISSF was attended

  • Lef.. J. Kartar Singh Gill,
  • Brigadier HarwantSingh National President AIDB ,
  • Brigadier Navab Singh,Major S.S. Dhillon,
  • Major Karnail Singh ,
  • Suba Singh Hony F/O Harcharan Singh Gill ,
  • Hony F/O Mamohan Singh All Retd.

ZoneAsia-Pk: The Drone Syndrome

January 15, 2013

By Ahsan Waheed
ZoneAsia-Pk

As another drama-queen-potential-savior explores the niche created by lack of justice and bad governance, we ask ourselves questions about this man’s origins and motivations. Qadri’s history is well known. Part of the Musharraff government, in 2006 he left for Canada and acquired a citizenship. Qadri is the co-founder of a social welfare organization ‘Minhaj-ul-Quran’, currently active in educational pursuits with offices in 80 countries at the moment. In 1991 Qadri also became one of the founders of Pakistan Awami Tehreek and got elected as MNA in 2002. Two years later however Qadri resigned in a dramatic fashion. Blaming the status quo, nepotism and corruption for the suffering of the common man, Qadri left the country in 2006 when his plea for reform fell on deaf ears.

23rd December 2012: Qadri pulled off a rally at the Minar-e-Pakistan much bigger than Khan’s tsunami or any other political or social group has. 2 million people turned up. That was enough to place him in the center of the Pakistani political stage. Who are these people supporting him? And where is his funding coming from? More importantly, whose agenda is he pursuing? As news of Qadri’s success spread like wild fire, the power he had became of more significance than his ideology.

Read more…


Karachi calling

December 14, 2012

ZoneAsia-Pk

Urban violence has become a permanent affliction in Karachi. Anyone explaining the roots of this violence to you would say ‘it’s complicated’ – and that is indeed an accurate summary of the bloodshed that erupts across the city in random spurts. The plague of violence in Pakistan’s biggest city and commercial hub is multifaceted. From ethnic strife to gang wars to politically motivated crimes to just petty theft – Karachi has it all. Where does it start? And more importantly, where would it end?

This is strange because less merely 25 years, Karachi was the land of opportunity in Pakistan. Once the capital of the country, this economic hub bustled with life and activity with little thought spared to the horrors awaiting citizens a few years down the road. Fast forward to 2012, Karachi faces (in the words of Bilal Baloch) feeble security, over-population, poor public transportation and housing, weak law and order, abuse of public services by the wealthy and powerful, illegal land-grabbing and squatter settlements, pollution so pervasive that it contaminates food and water for all, ethnic divisions, sectarian divisions, meager education; in short, institutional inadequacies on a grand scale. At the same time, it is this city that allows unbridled port access to NATO, fishermen and businessmen. The city has seen the likes of Alexander the Great, Sir Charles Napier, Muhammad Bin Qasim, poets, authors, bloggers and artists. The City of Lights continues to function under such paradoxical circumstances, with violent bloodshed in one corner of the city and celebrations in another.

Read more…


Tacstrat: Getting Waziristan Right

November 27, 2012

Tacstrat Analysis

North Waziristan figures prominently on the entire terrorism scene. Every terrorist or would be terrorist arrested indicates some kind of direct or indirect link to North Waziristan making it a point of convergence for anyone contemplating a terrorist act. All reports confirm the presence of Afghan Taliban personified by the Haqqani Network, the ‘Pakistan Taliban- Tehrik Taliban Pakistan and an assortment of Chechens, Uzbeks, Turkmen, Arabs and even Western origin people in North Waziristan together with kidnappers, drugs and weapon smugglers and criminals from Pakistan who go there to rest and recuperate after their latest venture and before the next one. The outreach from this area into the urban centers of Pakistan links it to various extremist militant outfits that are ready to do whatever is required for a price and with the added benefit of furthering their own ethnic, sectarian, political or resource gathering agendas. It goes without saying that there may be, and probably is, external exploitation of this complex situation. This cauldron of criminal, subversive, insurgent and militant activity is the single most important reason for Pakistan’s image worldwide as the epicenter of terrorism and for the economic decline fuelled by a destabilized internal security situation. The combined threat that this situation poses now threatens Pakistan’s existence as a state.

Read more…


GENESIS OF SECTARIAN VIOLENCE IN PAKISTAN

November 26, 2012

By Air Commodore (R) Khalid Iqbal
Spearhead Research

It is not a fairy tale. Not very long ago, Muharram was not the season of sectarian violence and mayhem; people of all sects would attend the Majalis, under the same roof, to pay homage to the Great martyrs of Islam. While the Shias would move in processions, Sunnis would line up along the routes and manage Sabeels. Rise of sectarian violence in Pakistan is a recent phenomenon. People of Pakistan are not sectarian-minded, and for most of the country’s history, people of different sects have co-existed peacefully. The sectarian scourge, in its current form, is certainly deep-rooted and cannot be eliminated easily. It is being systematically fanned by misguided adventurers and religious bigots. An unfortunate combination of vested interests, misplaced policies and discriminatory laws has drastically reduced the scope for a religiously tolerant state and society in Pakistan.

Communalism, religious intolerance and the sectarian violence are ugly scars on the face of any society; these are certainly an anti-thesis to the teachings of Islam. The word ‘Islam’ means peace and harmony. As a matter of doctrine, it forbids bigotry and fanaticism. What to talk of intra-Islam harmony, it pursues generosity and tolerance towards the followers of the other religions as well. It is interesting to refer to Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s address to the Constituent Assembly on August 11, 1947: “… you are free to go to your temples; you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of worship… You may belong to any religion or caste or creed – that has nothing to do with the business of the State.” This speech came under similar circumstances when post partition communal violence was at its peak.

Expanse of sectarian extremism has enhanced over the last 3-4 decades. Earlier it was confined to rural pockets, now it haunts major metropolitan centres as well. In good old days sectarian violence used to spark up spontaneously, and then subside quickly to give way to peace. Now it is a perpetual activity spanning over the entire year. Older version of extremism was a reactive response to objectionable utterances or actions of rival sect; now it is a proactive and premeditated activity, incorporating a shade of battles for turf. Earlier weapons were glass bottles and knives, now we face grenades and bombs.

Another factor sustaining the sectarian intolerance is its politicization. Sectarian parties have entered the arena of politics; clerics contest elections on sectarian rather than Islamic basis. Sectarian intolerance is now the springboard for political dividend. Even mainstream political parties like to have electoral adjustment with sectarian clerics-turned politicians. The conflict between sectarian groups is not merely ideological; often it is impelled by the desire to obtain political power. Undue patronage of the clergy by various governments has steadily raised their public profile and influence, culminating in a larger than life political clout of sectarian parties.

Yet another cause is dominance of orthodoxy in the religious scholarship and their acceptance as an authority on religion. While orthodoxy holds the sway; main stream clergy stands marginalized. Peripheral theological debates provide the basis for volatile divisions. As a result, healthy academic discourse has been replaced by militancy.

Of late, a dangerous trend has emerged whereby sectarian groups are playing an increased role in fueling the insurgencies in Baluchistan & FATA. Most of the extremist outfits either have well thought out linkages with terrorist organizations or they are unwittingly strengthening their agenda. Acts of violence by sectarian organization are reinforcing the global perception of equating Islam with militancy and terrorism.

It is an over-simplification to attribute the mushrooming of sectarian violence as a spinoff of Afghan Jihad or Islamisation effort by President Zia-ul-Haq. Afghanistan, where successive wars have destroyed the physical infrastructure and the social fabric, sectarianism is much more contained than in Pakistan. Likewise, Saudi Arabia where legislation has a heavier bias towards Sharia, does not have the kind of sectarian violence. Wide spread perception has it that Saudi Arabia and Iran are fighting their proxy war in Pakistan by funding the seminaries of their favourite sects. Proponents of this acuity argue that sustenance of any kind of militancy is resource intensive, and Pakistani economy alone could not have afforded it for such a long time.

While challenging institutionalized sectarianism is certainly not easy, strengthening the common cultural heritage of Pakistani people offers a less-confrontational way to reverse the trend. The compulsions fuelling religious conflicts are certainly complex. They have multiple negative implications. At the same time, this is not a problem that will go away on its own. It needs to be confronted head-on.

Government, civil society, political parties and media have critical roles to play in countering the trends through promotion of religious freedom, social harmony and protection of divergent opinion holders. The blame for the current situation falls squarely on successive governments. The strategy to tackle sectarian extremism has always been reactive than proactive; i.e. it has always been about damage control. Successive governments have seldom been serious to arrest the steady rise of sectarian extremism.

It is high time that Pakistan comes up with a well-thought out national strategy to tackle the sectarian extremism. The government cannot contain religious extremism and violence by simply issuing executive orders. It requires a comprehensive approach that entails monitoring supporters of the militant groups, curtailing their societal sources of support, and taking appropriate action against the hard-core sectarian militants. The government must also adopt measures to address socio-economic inequities. Unless poverty and underdevelopment are addressed effectively, ideological appeals and militancy will continue to attract the alienated youth.

The problem which has taken roots over a couple of decades may not necessarily take as long to eradicate. It is, however, essential that the effort to tackle the sectarian violence begins immediately. This effort must be underwritten by unwavering political will, and a long term strategy. Mere cosmetic measures won’t achieve much beyond patchy pauses of calm.

Writer is Consultant, Policy & Strategic Response, IPRI.
Email: Khalid3408@gmail.com


In search for a national terrorism policy

October 19, 2012

ZoneAsia-Pk

A country can never be fully prepared to meet the challenges that terrorism, be it of any kind or in any shape, brings. In the Information Age, methods and techniques of terrorism are continuously evolving and the danger keeps escalating. Pakistan faces a unique challenge, for it is the battlefield for fighting terrorists which have caused great human losses across the globe. Since 9/11 it has had to deal great pressure from western powers to curb militants who have targeted foreign nationalities and even Pakistanis. With an economy in distress and meager welfare facilities, all of which are plagued with corruption, insecurity and cases of terrorism have stretched thin the allocation of resources. However, policy makers and analysts feel some of this stress can be relieved if Pakistan deals with security crisis in a systemic and organized manner. Twelve years into the War on Terror and Pakistan still lacks a universal narrative on terrorism. The attack on 14 year old Malala Yousafzai on October 9th uncovered the political rifts in the Pakistani government over counter terrorism.

The world hurled its condemnation on the Taliban militants who targeted Malala, an act that symbolizes the existence of an oppressive mindset that violates basic human rights. Pakistani politicians reacted strongly, some calling for the immediate enactment of the North Waziristan Operation to eliminate the militants. MQM expressed great disapproval with Altaf Hussain urging the army to immediately begin the Waziristan operation. Repeated failure of dialogue with the Taliban has convinced him of the need for a military response. Although ANP and MQM do not see eye to eye on all matters, the former’s failure against Taliban in Peshawar caused it to support a military response. The ruling party, PPP, was not far behind in denouncing the attack. Its senior leaders including the PM vowed to root out extremism but they were hoping the Army or the parliament would take the initiate by approving of an operation. However, the Army threw the ball in the government’s court by necessitating its approval for any such action while resistance from opposition parties thwarted a parliamentary endorsement. The government finally decided to play safe by promising that such a decision will be taken if the need arises with the backing of the political and military leadership.

Even though all political parties criticized the attack to some degree or another, some parties chose to disagree with a military reaction against terrorists. The JI and JUI, for instance, urged the government not to misuse this incident to gain some political advantages and support for a military operation. At the same time, various conspiracy theories regarding the role of Malala as a spy and the wider interest of America in exploiting Pakistan sprung up. Significant opposition also came forth from Imran Khan, leader of PTI and the savior of Pakistan according to its rapidly growing supporters. He believed a military action to be premature which if carried out would aggravate the security crisis. Khan suggested a three point strategy: detachment from the American War on Terror, dialogue with the militants and as a last resort, military action. He particularly stressed on the participation of the locals in these decisions so that they did not feel alienated.

PML-N is a step ahead of many parties as they not only differ with other parties but their own members also have conflicting viewpoints. Although they have opposed the government’s plan for a military operation in Waziristan, their leaders haven’t explicitly favored dialogue either. PML-N members claim this to be a political trick to delay elections. Still we have Marvi Memon propagating a forceful response while Zafar Ali Shah, Khurram Dastgir and Saad Rafiq have been open to the option of cooperation as part of a multidimensional approach.

If this wasn’t enough, the matter of a terrorism policy was muddled with pro-Malala and anti-Malala discourses. Phrases like “You are either with the Taliban or against the Taliban” were being used to determines one’s loyalty to the state or the militants. A national terrorism policy cannot be simplified to just the Taliban, the drones or US intervention in Pakistani affairs. In fact they are the constituents of that policy.

A difference in opinion over the Waziristan operation should guide debate and discussion over other issues to eventually reach a state policy against terrorism. This is however only the first part of the process; the policy must then be implemented. Malala’s attack was most unfortunate but when seen in the context of the upcoming elections and worldwide outrage, it may be just the right amount of push needed to ensure that political parties come up with policy agreeable to all and sundry.


Mirza K.O.s Rehman Malik

August 29, 2011

By Nasim Zehra
ZoneAsia-Pk

The analysis, that springs up in my mind, is based on several well known facts; but two stand out. Mirza and Zardari very close, MQM no more, all the other facts more or less already well known. So? It appears Zardari wants the action action against MQM now to eliminate it as a political challenge as well as get rid of Rehman. Mirza has played Zardari’s game. High stake, but may work. Mirza didnt criticize Zardari, and protected even reputation of BB ferociously.

Editor’s Note: Dr Mirza’s resignation as Vice President PPP Sindh,an MPA & Ministerial post may not have rocked the nation but for the reasons disclosed. The text of his speech is neatly reproduced by THE NATION & can be read : http://nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/Politics/29-Aug-2011/Mirza-says-it-all Will Mirza be able to substantiate the allegations with proof? This needs to be investigated & not brushed under the carpet, claiming it to be a diatribe.For the Letter by Altaf Hussain to Britian’s Ex-Prime Minister,click link: http://www.hurriyat.com/528/mqms-offers-counter-terrorism-support-to-uk/ If it is so,that too,needs to come out based on facts,not rhetoric. Pakpotpourri2 gives you a balanced analysis by Nasim Zehra.

Pakistani politics witnessed a new first. Holding the Holy Quran in his hand and then placing it upon his head, Sindh’s senior minister Zulfiqar Ali Mirza made some very bold revelations against his friend’s key, even if troubled, political ally as well as his friend’s closest and most handy aide.

President Asif Ali Zardari perhaps now faces the biggest challenge of his political career as none other than his most loyal friend and senior minister Sindh, Zulfiqar Ali Mirza, at a press conference issued a loaded charge sheet. Mirza gave specific information along with alleged evidence, against all those he accused. He said the ongoing operation was meaningless and that the real killers were not being apprehended.

Zulfiqar Mirza’s attack has produced a complex political dynamic. One with the ‘evidence’ that Zulfiqar Mirza claims he has against the MQM’s alleged involvement in target killings, he has put the MQM under pressure. An MQM on the defensive provides political leverage to the PPP in its ongoing negotiations with that party. It may also help to stem the growing alienation of the Sindhis against the PPP leadership, especially earlier the mishandling of the revival of the local bodies.

The claims made by Zulfiqar Mirza can also potentially strengthen the PPP’s hand in the Supreme Court’s suo motto hearing on the Karachi target killing. The SC bench now meeting in Karachi is bound to call Zulfiqar Mirza to make good his claims in court.

But the most challenging for PPP’s internal politics is Mirza’s attack on Rehman Malik. Zulfiqar Mirza has made specific charges against the interior minister, holding him responsible for leading a “farcical operation” and for being primarily committed to keeping the MQM on board. In addition to his criticism at the press conference, Zulfiqar Mirza, later in a television program insisted that the interior minister “is Pakistan’s enemy and if Pakistan breaks up, then Rehman Malik will be responsible for it.”

Although Mirza insisted that he would remain loyal to the president till his dying day and would give his life in the party’s service, within the immediate context he has created major political challenges for the president. He has alleged that the president’s right-hand man is hand in glove with the killers of innocent citizens.

As for whether these extraordinary revelations will lead to any action against Rehman Malik or the MQM, the punch-line comes from Zulfiqar Mirza himself. While speaking on television he said, “I have rolled the ball, now the ball in the court of the president, army chief, the ISI chief, the PM, the speaker of parliament and the chairman of the senate.” Mirza expects them to use the evidence that he has presented to take action against the MQM and the interior minister. He said the moment the CJP asks him to present himself in court, he will do so.

Zulfiqar Mirza may have become a thorn in the president’s side. But Mirza is one PPP leader that the president will not find it easy to sideline. He will also not able to easily brush aside the alleged charge sheet presented against Rehman Malik nor the MQM. Clearly these moves by Zardari’s closest friend puts the Karachi operation in an even greater spotlight and for all the wrong reasons. It also sharply exposes the weaknesses in Zardari’s politics of “mufahimmat.”

The questions that Mirza’s charge sheet raises only confirms public criticism of the operation. Questions that have no easy answers but ones that will now be repeatedly asked by many political and non-political stake-holders from across the country.


Norwegian bombing: How Islamophobic fever among western media and anti-terror experts came to surface?

July 23, 2011

 

norway_attack2
The Swedish terrorism expert Magnus Ranstorp said to News Agency Ritzau among other things that he thought it could be Al Qaida’s work. His position changed when the shooting accrued but his inner intentions came to light when he told news agency T T: “ Had it just been a bombing, it would be natural to connect it to Islamic terror. Now we have also seen an attack against the Labor Party’s youth, and it changes the whole picture”. . . .

→ Read More: Norwegian bombing: How Islamophobic fever among western media and anti-terror experts came to surface?


Why the ISI has played a silent spectator to the CIA/Black Water operations?

March 22, 2011

By Yousuf Nazar

I have suspected for long that the United States has been conducting false flag operations in Pakistan through covert operatives. I wrote on my blog on January 10, 2008, Could CIA be conducting Operation Gladio in Pakistan?

False flag operations are covert operations designed to deceive the public in such a way that the operations appear as though they are being carried out by other entities. The name is derived from the military concept of flying false colors; that is, flying the flag of a country other than one’s own. False flag operations are not limited to war and counter-insurgency operations, and can be used in peace-time. Operation Gladio was a covert operations project conducted by the UK and UK intelligence during the 1960s in Europe and involved massacres and bombing conducted by the covert operatives of these agencies with the objective of blaming them on the communist Soviet Union and discrediting it.

On December 11, 2009, the Guardian published a story, “Blackwater operating at CIA Pakistan base”, which said:

“the US contractor Blackwater was operating in Pakistan at a secret CIA airfield used for launching drone attacks, according to a former US official, despite repeated government denials that the company is in the country.The official, who had direct knowledge of the operation, said that employees with Blackwater, now renamed Xe Services, patrol the area round the Shamsi airbase in Baluchistan province.He also confirmed that Blackwater employees help to load laser-guided Hellfire missiles on to CIA-operated drones,”

On September 16, 2010, noted investigative journalist Wayne Madsen published an article in the Online Journal titled, ” Blackwater/Xe cells conducting false flag terrorist attacks in Pakistan.” The author of the Wasden Report (who formerly worked for the US Navy and the State Department) claimed that he has learned from a deep background source that Xe Services, the company formerly known as Blackwater, has been conducting false flag terrorist attacks in Pakistan that are later blamed on “Pakistani Taliban” and noted that only recently did the US State Department designate the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) as terrorist organization.

On March 17, 2011, the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) published an uncharacteristically candid and realistic article, “Perfidious America” declaring that the [Raymond] Davis case has knocked Washington off the moral high ground in Pakistan. It is probably for the first time that a pro-establishment American paper such as the WSJ acknowledged that ‘suspicions of Pakistanis about the US operations in Pakistan have a basis in reality’ noting that in his book “Obama’s Wars,” Bob Woodward revealed the existence of a secret 3,000-strong army of paramilitary Afghan fighters created by the CIA to target Taliban and al Qaeda commanders inside Pakistan through “false flag attacks.” Recall that the Wikileaks had revealed that President Zardari had told Richard Halbrooke that he suspected that the US was destabilizing Pakistan through the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan.

Former Indian Ambassador M K Bhadrakumar in an article published by the AsiaTimes (February 15, 2011) pointed out that “the heart of the matter is that Pakistan has been wondering for a long time who it is who could be instigating the so-called “Pakistani Taliban” to inflict such bloody wounds on the Pakistani military and weaken and incrementally destabilize the Pakistani state” and concluded that Davis can most certainly provide the proverbial “missing link” to Pakistan to connect several dots on an intriguing chessboard. Ambassador Bhadrakumar had also noted that that Davis’ detention sent alarm bells ringing all the way to the White House and the US was apprehensive that the Davis case had the potential to shake up the very foundations of its alliance with Pakistan.

So the most important question to come out of the Raymond Davis, as I wrote in the Express Tribune on February 28, 2011, is not whether he killed in self-defense or not, whether the ISI manipulated the media or not, whether he was an accredited diplomat or not, whether he enjoyed diplomatic or consular immunity or not, or whether he was spy or a CIA contractor.

The most critical question is what hundreds of CIA agents (according to scores of reports including those carried by top US papers recently) are doing in Pakistan, and why they were provided cover by an embassy whose facilities are being upgraded by a massive spending program exceeding one billion dollars, according to official US documents, as either the ISI looked the other way or was sleeping.

Going further, given the dirty and murky CIA-ISI deal that resulted in the release of Raymond Davis, the most important question seems to be why the civilian and military leaders of Pakistan have kept silent, at the least, and therefore have been complicit in the false flag operations against the state and the people of Pakistan despite the fact that the head of the state had expressed his suspicions that the CIA was behind some the terrorist attacks. The nation and the super-patriots that our TV anchors are ought to tell General Kayani that issuing press statement condemning drone attacks can no longer fool the people. The masses may be silent and may feel helpless for now but the time will come when they will ask loudly, why did you co-operate with the Americans when you knew they were upto no good?


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